Homosexuality in the 19th Century Philippines
Robert John I. Donesa
National Dong Hwa University
A paper submitted to Dr. Li-Fang Liang in fulfillment of the final requirement of the course APRSD1700- Sociology of Gender 114 (First Semester), January 5, 2026.
Abstract
This paper takes a closer look into 19th century Philippine society to see the existence or non-existence of homosexuality, and if they did exist, to see how they look and how the society treated them. Using historical methodology and critical content analysis, primary and secondary sources found in the Bibiloteca Digital Hispanica of the Biblioteca Nacional de España were studied, interrogated and analyzed to draw beyond surface-level interpretation and insights on the said social phenomena. It appeared that homosexuality and gender fluidity was endemic in 19th century Philippine society and was not generally abhorred upon. It was the Catholic Missionaries who socially reconstructed Filipino homosexuality as a physical and moral defect and encouraged the people to detest it. Rizal unintentionally contributed to the social reconstruction by creating Crisostomo Ibarra and Maria Clara molds of how Filipino men and women should look and act. These molds became the standards of an ideal man and woman for more than a century, effectively isolating homosexuals as non-conformists.
Key words: Homosexuality, 19th Century Philippines, gender fluidity
Introduction
Today, homosexuality is a generally accepted phenomenon in the Philippines. Homosexuals are now “out,” empowered and are actively involved in nation building. But this was not always the situation. In the 1970s, 1980s and even in the 1990s, Filipino parents detested having a homosexual child. They were inclined to suppress the child’s early signs of homosexuality rather than tolerate it. Homosexuality, then, had been viewed as a deviant behavior and homosexual acts as taboo. This conservative Filipino outlook is attributed to the influences of the Spanish colonial era (1565-1896), when the majority of the lowland tribes slowly and developmentally adapted Catholicism and Hispanic culture reinterpreting it as their own. With this adaptation comes the reconstruction of cultural norms, especially one that abhors homosexuality and considers it a family shame.
This paper examines the 19th century records of Filipino male homosexuality and lesbianism and evaluates its social acceptance at that time. Insights are to be drawn from 19th century books, dictionaries, poems, ephemera and other sources extant at the Biblioteca Digital Hispanica of the Biblioteca Nacional de España and elsewhere. Using historical methodology and critical content analysis, the paper tries to answer the questions: How did the 19th century Philippines view homosexuality and lesbianism? How were gays and lesbians treated by the religious missionaries? How do they look or dress up? These questions, however, were already answered, in whole or in part, by existing literature. J. Neil Garcia’s Male Homosexuality in the Philippines: A Short History (2004), noted that during the Spanish colonial era, gender crossers increasingly suffered ridicule and scorn. This is a world away from their immediate pre-colonial past where they did not only dress and act as women, but were also socially recognized as ‘somewhat-women.’ Jay Jomar Quintos’ A Glimpse Into the Asog Experience: A Historical Study on the Homosexual Experience in the Philippines (2012) explained that because of their being cowardly and timorous, the homosexuals (called asog, bayoguin and binabayi) were eventually labeled bacla, a Tagalog term for cowards. They are too cowardly to even have themselves tattooed. Quintos also pointed out that homosexuality existed and was a commonplace during the Pre-Hispanic Philippines and was eventually purged out of the Filipino cultural landscape by the Spanish colonizers as supposedly being immoral, barbaric and evil. This present paper bolsters these conclusions with more evidence. The paper demonstrates how widespread homosexuality was in the 19th century Philippines by looking beyond the Tagalog, Bicolano and Cebuano sources. The paper hopes to help decolonize Philippine society by bringing to the fore our colonial ways of life, specifically that of homosexuality. In the process, it is hoped that our society becomes more inclusive, accepting and loving to our fellow Filipinos stigmatized for centuries as dregs of humanity.
Figure 1. The Filipino men, around 1847, often wore handkerchiefs loosely over their heads or in the form of a cape, as if they were women (Lozano, 1847). They also use umbrellas to protect themselves from the tropical heat, a behavior that is very common to women.
Research Design
In the Spanish colonial era where social phenomena like homosexuality was a taboo, historians may find very few straightforward records and narratives directly dealing with it. Questions like: How did the 19th century Philippines view homosexuality and lesbianism? How were gays and lesbians treated by the religious missionaries then? And how do they look or dress up? All these require a descriptive historical methodology to come up with satisfactory answers. However, available sources such as dictionaries, grammar books, prayer books, literary works and artworks may mention something about these but oftentimes only by chance. Given these limitations, historians were forced to meticulously “read between lines” or peep through the “cracks in parchment curtain” (Scott, 1978) and hope that a glimpse of Philippine society may be described. This method is now known as critical content examination where historians dissect and interpret various primary and secondary sources in order to uncover deeper meanings, biases and implications within textual or visual data. By understanding the nuances of the available sources, historians develop insights, identify underlying themes, challenge assumptions, and draw connections that may not be immediately visible. Critical content examination allows historians to draw insights that inform how the 19th century Filipino homosexuals negotiated cultural and personal identity.
Using descriptive historical methodology and critical content examination, the 19th century books, dictionaries, grammar books, literary materials, photographs, drawings and other primary sources were scoured at the Biblioteca Digital Hispanica of the Biblioteca Nacional de España for information on homosexuality in the Philippines. Each of these sources were meticulously examined for some notes and observations coming from their authors, compilers, editors or what have you, which reveal their mindsets and views of homosexuality of their era.
Results and Discussion
At present, the words bakla, bading and bayot, all meaning gay, are the terms used to refer to male homosexuals in the Philippines. Back in the 19th century Philippines, the word bakla (also spelled as bacla) carried a different meaning. It means to scare (espantar) or to amaze (asombrar) (Campomanes, 1877;1901). It also means to deceive with luster and beauty and to be afraid to change or something new (Noceda and & Sanlúcar, 1832). Lexicographer Pedro Serrano Laktaw, in his Diccionario Hispano-Tagalog (1889), translated the word bateria (assault) as anomang nakababakla nang malaki sa loob (whatever strongly weakens the resolve). Laktaw (1889) also defined espantar (to scare) as takutin, gitlahin, baklahin. Thus, bakla means a cowardly person, timid or has a weak heart. On the other hand, the word tomboy and tibo are the present-day terms generally used and understood throughout the Philippines to refer to lesbians or female homosexuals. Tomboy was adapted from English, which means a little girl with rude habits (Spinosa, 1887), and did not exist in the 19th century Filipino dictionaries.
The Kapampangans called a cowardly and shy person, bayuguin (Bergaño, 1860), which among the Tagalogs, also refers to a cowardly man, who walks around wearing a woman’s clothing (Serrano, 1869). Bayug or Bayugun, among the Hiligaynons, means an effeminate man (Mentrida, 1637). And Bayog or Bayogbayogan, among the Bicolanos, means a man whose actions and movements were those of a woman (Lisboa, 1754).
The Visayans called the homosexuals bantot and bayog. Juan Felix de la Encarnacion, in his Diccionario Español-Bisaya (1885) translated afeminado as bantot, bayog, babayénon. Earlier, Alonso de Mentrida in his Bocabulario de Lengua Bisaia Hiligueyna (1637), elaborated that bantot refers to gays, lesbians and hennies. An effeminate man, who dresses like a woman and does women’s work, such as sewing, weaving and spinning is called bantot. A woman who is masculine in her condition, manner and inclination is also called bantot. “A hen who crows like a rooster” is also called bantot. Nanhimantot, nagapanhimantot, is to call someone a homosexual.
Among the Bicolanos and Hiligaynon, the Assog or Asog were religious ministers of deities, (diuatas) (Mentrida, 1841; Lisboa, 1754). Among the Bicolanos, the Assog dresses up like a woman and does not marry a woman. This effeminate spiritual leader imitated a woman in all his actions and words (Lisboa, 1754).
Homosexuality was Common in the 19th Century Philippines
Homosexuality appeared to be a common and accepted social phenomena in the 19th century Philippine colonial society throughout the archipelago. The dictionaries published in the Philippines and in Spain during that era were surveyed for entries of terms denoting homosexuality.
Table 1 shows that almost all major languages in the Philippines have terms for gays.
Table 2. shows that almost all major languages in the Philippines have terms for lesbians.
The grammar books and dictionaries of Spanish-Filipino languages were surveyed for the existence or non-existence of the terms denoting gays and lesbians and other cognate words. The regional language grammar books and dictionaries surveyed include Tagalog, Ilocano, Kapampangan, Bicol, Hiligaynon, Cebuano and Waray-waray. No available grammar books and dictionaries on Mindanao languages were found.
Table 1 shows the regional languages surveyed, the local term for “gays” and the years of publication of the said dictionaries. There existed local terms for gays indicating that they were ubiquitous and commonplace in the country. Generally, they are called binabayi, babayinin, binabae and babayenon or some slight variations. Table 2, on the other hand, shows that lesbianism was also endemic in the Philippines in the 19th century. Generally, they are called lalakinin, lalaquinon or some slight variations. Homosexuals were neither discriminated against, judged, insulted or ignored.
To refer to gays (Homo effeminatus), the Spaniards generally use the terms afeminado (effeminate), blando (soft), lindo (beautiful), marica (sissy), maricon (fagot), muñeco (doll), and ninfo (nymph) (La Academia Espanol, 1822). These terms reflect the different behaviors and aspects of personality that differentiates the gays from real men. On the other hand, the Spaniards call the lesbians (virago) amazona (amazon), varona (manly) and marimacho (butch) (La Academia Espanol, 1822). These terms point, in one way or another, to a person’s manners and physical attributes that are manly (varonil).
The Religious Treated Homosexuality as Physical and Moral Defect
In the Eligio Fernandez’ Vocabulario Tagalo-Castellano (1887 and 1894), the term binabai (gay) is casually listed under the heading Sa Camaganacan (Of the Relatives). Under the said heading are entries on the different members of the family, the father, mother, uncle, auntie, brother, sister, cousin, in-laws, among others. The casual mention implies the omnipresence of gays in the society. While gays’ presence is commonplace, it is notable that there was no entry for lesbians (Fernandez, 1894). The same casual treatment was made by Dionisio Mirasol in his book Vocabulario o manual de dialogos en Español y Bisaya (1882) where Babain-on (gay) and Lalaquin-on (lesbian) were casually listed under Sa Paghilimata (on relatives).
On the other hand, in Abella’s Vade-Mecum Filipino o Manual de la Conversación Español-Tagalog (1874), a gay (isang binabae), is listed under El hombre, fases, circunstancias de la vida (The man, phases, circumstances of life). Under the heading “circumstances of life,” the list ended with a group of rather negative words. It includes: the punishment (ang parusa), the fault (ang sala o casalanan) and the misfortune (ang caboisitan), and finally, the gay (isang binabae). The listing implies that gay is a negative circumstance of life (Abella, 1874).
In Pedro Serrano Laktaw’s Diccionario Hispano-tagalog (1889), gays and lesbians existed as a commonplace in the mainstream of 19th century Philippine society. It is an accepted phenomena although gays are sometimes considered as economically worthless individuals (muñeco) or cowards (maricon) as they neither participate in male-dominated professions nor fight in combat. Laktaw, being a native of the Philippines, had a more reflexive view of the phenomena. He did not judge it as a moral or physical defect. “Hermafrodita,” in Laktaw, generally refers to gays. It means binabayi (effeminate) or babaying anyo at ugaling lalaki (female in form and male in manners) that is, possessing the looks of a woman but really a man (Laktaw, 1889). On the other hand, the term “marimacho” refers to lesbians. It means lalakinin (tomboyish) o babaying ang laki nang pangangatawan at anyo ay tila lalaki (a female with a sturdy body and resembling that of a man) (Laktaw, 1889). From the Spanish base word “mujer” (spelled “muger,” in Laktaw), meaning babayi (woman) (Laktaw, 1889), comes an adjective “amujerado,” meaning parang babayi (like a woman) (Laktaw, 1889), also the term “palabrimujer,” meaning lalaking voses babayi (a male with a female voice) (Laktaw, 1889).
The Catholic missionaries, however, have a different take on this social phenomenon. They classified them as physical defects and moral defects. How were gays and lesbians treated by the religious missionaries back then? Written in 1818, Alonso de Mentrida’s Arte de la Lengua Bisaya Hiliguayna de la Isla de Panay projected homosexuality as something debasing, insulting or accusatory. The Hiligaynon word bantot refers to an effeminate person and nanhimantot means to insult someone by calling him one. The term nanhimabaye means to insult a person by calling him a woman - a weakling. Bantot and nanhimantot were grouped by Mentrida with similar debasing terms such as examples include: bañaga (poor) ⟶ nanhimañaga, nagapanhimañaga, (to insult someone by calling him poor); mangaloc (sorcerer) ⟶ nanhimangaloc (to accuse someone of sorcery). Another debasing terms are biga (to whore) ⟶ nanhimiga, nagapanhimiga (to call someone a whore or ruffian) and cauát (to steal) ⟶ nanhimacauát (to call someone a thief). Categorizing effeminate persons (bantot) with sorcerers, poor, thieves, whores and ruffians reflect that the Order of Saint Augustine, of which Alonso de Mentrida is a member, discourages the social tolerance of homosexuality and lesbianism among Hiligaynons in this milieu (Mentrida, 1818).
In Antonio Figueroa’s Arte del Idioma Visaya de Samar y Leite (1872), homosexuality (babayenon) and lesbianism (lalaquinon) were also considered defects or diseases suffered by a person. In this grammar book, Figueroa, a Franciscan Religious, explained that in Waray-waray, when the suffix un or on is appended to a noun, which refers to a disease, deformity or defect, it denotes either verb “to suffer from such disease” or a noun - “a person who suffers from such disease.” Figueroa gave examples such as nuca (scabies) ⟶ nucahon (a person suffering from scabies) and coto (louse) ⟶ cotohon (a person who is lice-infested). For bodily deformity or defect, when the suffix un or on is appended to a noun referring to a body part, the resulting word denotes suffering from the deformity or defect of such body part. Figueroa cited as examples, dughan (chest) ⟶ dughanon (a person who suffers from deformed chest); mohog (mocus) ⟶ mohogon (runny nose); tiyan (belly) ⟶ tiyanon (potbellied, paunchy), uala (left) ⟶ ualhon (left-handed); macatorog (sleep) ⟶ macatorogon (sleepyhead); babaye (woman), babayenon (effeminate) ⟶ lalaqui (male), lalaquinon (manly). Categorizing the terms gays and lesbians with those related to bodily deformities or defects indicate that in the 19th century Waray-waray society, the Francsicans considers homosexuality as a taboo (Figueroa, 1872).
In Sebastián de Totanés’ Arte de la Lengua Tagala, y Manual Tagalog para la Administración de los SS. Sacramentos (1865), homosexuality (babayínin) and lesbianism (lalaquinin) were considered physical defects in a person. In explaining the use of the Tagalog suffixes in and nin, the Franciscan Religious notes that when one connects them to nouns connoting body parts, the resulting word denotes that those body parts may be extremely undesirable, huge, ugly, shocking or simply unnatural. He cited examples like, tiyán (belly) ⟶ tiyanin (potbellied); ohog (nasal mucus) ⟶ ohoguin (runny nose); toma (louse) ⟶ tomáhin (pediculosis); mota (eye booger) ⟶ motaín (rheumy eyes). And within this grouping, Totanés listed laláqui (male) ⟶ lalaquinin (mannish, butch) and babaye (female) ⟶ babayínin (effeminate). This denotes that the Franciscans discouraged the social tolerance of homosexuality and lesbianism in Tagalog society in the 1860s (Totanés, 1865).
It was, however, Gaspar de San Agustin, an Agustinian religious, who categorically considered homosexuality and lesbianism as moral defects in a person. In his book, Compendio del Arte de la Lengua Tagala (1879), he explained that in Tagalog grammar, when the particle “in” or “nin” is placed after a root word, it may mean, among others, a moral defect with what the root word signifies. As an example, San Agustin listed babayi (woman) ⟶ babayinin, a man who suffers from passion and fortune of being a woman. Thus, lalaquing babayinin is a moral defect of being gay. On the other hand, San Agustin listed lalaqui (man) ⟶ lalaquinin, a woman one who suffers from passion and fortune of being a man. Thus, babaying lalaquinin is a moral defect of being lesbian. San Agustin classifies gays and lesbians with immoral individuals such as serial cheaters and vagabonds (San Agustin, 1879).
Characteristics of Homosexuals
And how do homosexuals in the 19th century Philippines look or dress up? The male homosexuals or gays (babayinin, babayin-on) are men who, in their bearings, deportments, dresses, speeches and works, imitate women, resemble them, or want to resemble them (Encarnacion, 1885). In the 19th century Philippines, they appeared to be of two types. The first one is the transvestite (bayoguin), who sports women’s clothing (Noceda & Sanlúcar, 1832). They have smooth personalities and good company (Laktaw, 1889). They walk around town in women’s clothes (Serrano, 1869) searching for fun (Encarnacion, 1885). They are sometimes overdressed (muñequeria) (Encarnacion, 1885). They are beautiful like women and are called Lindo Don Diego (the beautiful Mr. Diego) (Laktaw, 1889).
The second type is the demure, refined men (binabae). They are characterized as “predominantly” effeminate (afeminado) who act and look like women (adamada)(Laktaw, 1889). While they wear men’s clothes, they are demure, soft, gentle (blanda)(Laktaw, 1889), petite, weakling, and faint-hearted (maricon) (Encarnacion, 1885). And since they don’t do many menial jobs, they are sometimes branded as useless (muñeco)(Encarnacion, 1885). They communicate with ease and fluency. They take good care of themselves and their bodies excessively (Laktaw, 1889). They dress up delicately, groom themselves (lindo)(Encarnacion, 1885), comb and style their hair meticulously (peinado) like a woman (Laktaw, 1889), (Encarnacion, 1885), (Serrano, 1872).
The female homosexuals or lesbians (lalaquinin) are women who have physical characteristics that are “prominently” manly (mujer varonil) (Totanés, 1865). It is classified as a physical (Coria, 1872) and moral defect - one who suffers the passion and fortune of being manly (San Agustin, 1879). While there were no notes as to how they dressed up, they generally possess appearances, properties or other qualities traditionally seen as masculine (marimacho) (Encarnacion, 1851). Lesbians can do or work everything that a man can (napalalaqui) (Carro, 1888). Unlike the gays, there seemed to be very scant entries on lesbianism in 19th century dictionaries and grammar books.
Homosexuality also existed among nonhumans. Among chickens, a binabayi or binabaye (hennie) is a rooster that looks like a hen (Noceda & Sanlúcar, 1832). A drizzle or a slow rain, among the Visayan Cebuanos, is called olan nga binabáye (Encarnación, 1852). There are even rice varieties called binabaying puti and binabae, which were featured by Don Regino Garcia of Manila during the Exposicion Regional de Filipinas de 1894 (Exposición Regional Filipina, 1895).
It is exciting to note that our national hero, Jose Rizal, unintentionally reinforced the development of caballerismo and marianismo cultures through his novels Noli Me Tangere (1887) and El Filibusterismo (1891). Through Juan Crisóstomo Ibarra y Magsalin, Rizal painted a portrait of an ideal Filipino caballero - a dignified, educated, virile, handsome and wealthy gentleman. And through Maria Clara, Rizal created a mold of an ideal Filipina, which became the role model which the Filipino women are expected to follow. Patterned after the Virgin Mary, Filipinas should be humble, faithful, obedient, prayerful, pure, charitable, patient and sweet. For more than a century, caballerismo and marianismo had been the social norm of the Philippines, effectively making the gays and lesbians social outliers.
Conclusion and Recommendations
Critically analyzing the available literature on homosexuality in the 19th century Philippines in the Biblioteca Digital Hispanica of the Biblioteca Nacional de España and elsewhere, it is strongly opined that homosexuality is a commonplace phenomenon in the 19th century Philippines. The fact that almost all regional languages dictionaries contain entries of local words defining gays and lesbians strongly suggests that the phenomenon is endemic in that era. Binabae, babayinin and their cognates are the most common terms used to describe the gays in the country. While linalaqui, lalaquinin and their cognates are the most common terms used to refer to lesbians. Viewed holistically, one can infer from sources that gays were generally accepted in the society. So common that the concept of male homosexuality even extended to objects such as gay rain, gay rooster (hennie) and gay rice grains. However, the same cannot be said about lesbians. Although they existed in the literature, they seemed to shy away from public attention. Except for the fact that they were described as manly and can do everything a man does, there is absolutely no information as to how they look, dress up or behave.
From the grammar books, it is inferred that the Catholic religious missionaries discouraged the faithful catholic Indios to become homosexual. Although indirectly, they considered homosexuality as a physical defect as well as a moral defect, a sin. Rizal cemented their outcasting by creating a mold for ideal Filipino man and woman, which the Filipino society subscribed to for more than a century now.
Acknowledgements
The author is very grateful to the Ministry of Education, Taiwan for the MOE Elite scholarship that is very helpful in supporting the researcher while conducting this research. The researcher is also grateful to the Asia Pacific Regional Studies Program of the National Dong Hwa University for its unwavering support through the use of its resources and facilities. Appreciation is also due to Dr. Li-Fang Liang for a meaningful and exciting semester of exploring, learning and sharing in the course APRSD1700- Sociology of Gender. The first drafts of this research were written in the faculty room of the Faculty of Arts and Letters of the University of Santo Tomas, Manila for which gratitude is extended. Likewise, the author is grateful to the Dalubhasaang Politekniko ng Lungsod ng Baliwag, the home institution, for which this work is humbly dedicated.
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